After Meeting Putin In China, Not Donald Trump But PM Modi May End Russia-Ukraine War

Last Updated:September 01, 2025, 07:00 IST

Prime Minister Narendra Modi has spoken twice to both Russian President Vladimir Putin and his Ukrainian counterpart Volodymyr Zelenskyy last month

PM Narendra Modi first spoke to Russian President Vladimir Putin on August 8. (Image: AP/File)

From Alaska to Washington DC, US President Donald Trump has been vocal about ending the Russia-Ukraine War. Trump’s key adviser, Peter Navarro, calls it ‘Narendra Modi’s War’, accusing India of fuelling Russia’s war chest by purchasing oil from Moscow.

However, Prime Minister Narendra Modi has spoken twice to both Russian President Vladimir Putin and his Ukrainian counterpart Volodymyr Zelenskyy last month. Modi spoke to Zelenskyy before meeting Putin at the SCO Meet in China — and has carried a signal to Putin.

Could he, rather than Trump, end the Russia-Ukraine War? His efforts may actually help to end the war rather than fuel it.

Let’s examine Modi’s efforts to make Putin and Zelenskyy understand and agree to his maxim that “this is not the era of war". These efforts, while quieter than Trump’s, might prove far more effective. Also, let’s scrutinise Trump’s claim that India has provided a direct financial lifeline to Putin by buying Russian oil.

The Prime Minister first spoke to Putin on August 8, urging an end to the war with Ukraine. He then spoke to Zelenskyy on August 11 with the same message. Following his meeting with Trump in Alaska, Putin called Modi on August 18 to brief him. On August 30, Zelenskyy called Modi to express readiness to meet Putin and sought an immediate ceasefire.

On September 1, Modi and Putin met in China with the Russian leader scheduled to visit India this December. It is clear that Modi is striving for peace, and not for a Nobel Peace Prize like Trump.

Now, let’s dissect the Trump administration’s peculiar claims against India.

Peter Navarro, Trump’s trade adviser, has accused India of fuelling the Ukraine war by calling it “Modi’s war". He argues India’s purchase of discounted Russian oil indirectly finances the conflict, forcing US taxpayers to bail out Ukraine.

Navarro labelled India’s industry a “global clearinghouse" for Russian crude, and even an oil “laundromat". These arguments were used to justify a steep 25 percent secondary tariff on Indian goods. But do these claims hold water?

No. In reality, India has helped stabilise global oil markets. Russia supplies nearly 10 percent of the world’s crude — if India had stopped buying, barrel prices might have surged. By maintaining supply, India prevented a global fuel crisis and helped curb inflation across economies.

External Affairs Minister (EAM) S Jaishankar had stated: “We softened the oil markets … managed global inflation. I’m waiting for the thank you."

Indeed, India emerged as Ukraine’s largest diesel supplier in July 2025. Indian exports comprised 15.5 percent of Ukraine’s total diesel imports — up sharply from just 1.9 percent in July 2024. So, by Trump’s logic, is India now funding Ukraine for the war? It is simply bizarre.

Also, US claims India uses its dollars to buy Russian oil, thus funnelling its funds to Russia?

False again. While US dollars are preferred, most payments are routed through third-party traders and made in currencies like the UAE dirham, Russian ruble, and occasionally yuan —when sellers insist. Some Russian-linked banks have even requested yuan, but India resists this and continues using hard currencies.

Is India dealing in black-market oil? Not at all. Russian oil isn’t heavily sanctioned like Iranian or Venezuelan supplies. It’s sold under G7-led price-cap mechanisms to prevent price gouging — so long as buyers comply, trade remains legal.

Did India suddenly ramp up imports to profiteer? No. India even slashed fuel prices for its population — even when crude peaked at 137 dollars per barrel back in March 2022. State-run firms absorbed Rs 21,000 crores (about 2.5 billion dollars) in losses. Export taxes and mandatory domestic supply rules were implemented to curb profiteering. All this rock-bottom pricing helped suppress global inflation—not allowed profiteering.

Is India acting as a laundering hub for Russian oil? No. India is the world’s fourth-largest refining hub with 23 refineries — exporting petrol, diesel, and jet fuel has always been part of its industrial ecosystem. European countries, after banning Russian crude, began sourcing Indian fuels to fill shortages. That’s resilience — not laundering.

Does processing oil boost Putin’s profits? No. Around 70 percent of refined fuel stays within India to meet domestic demand. Export-oriented refineries were set up long before this war. Export volumes have actually dipped in recent years. India’s refined output serves internal needs first, not outside profiteering.

Is India punishing US exporters while funding Russia? This narrative falls apart under scrutiny. The US has far larger trade deficits with China, the EU, or Mexico. Despite the controversial 50% tariffs, India still imports high-value US goods — LNG, aircraft, defense tech, semiconductors. In August 2025, India ramped up US crude purchases thanks to favourable pricing, narrowing its deficit — not abandoning American goods.

Is India freeloading on US defence support? No. India co-produces jet engines with GE, buys MQ-9 drones, and deepens strategic ties via Quad and Indo-Pacific collaborations. India is the only major power actively countering Chinese influence in Asia — a direct strategic advantage for U.S. interests.

Should peace in Ukraine run through New Delhi? Scapegoating India won’t bring peace. New Delhi has consistently called for diplomacy and respect for international frameworks at the United Nations. Meanwhile, other Western nations still source Russian gas or uranium. India’s approach has been measured, lawful, and stabilising — not destabilising.

So, what’s the truth? India did not bankroll Russia. It helped stabilise global markets, kept fuel affordable, and curbed inflation globally. Many accusations seem politically motivated rather than fact-based.

The US has spent over $134 billion on aiding Ukraine militarily — but punishes India for legal oil imports, while it continues trading Russian uranium and fertilisers. China and Turkey also buy bulk Russian oil — yet only India is facing 50% tariffs. That doesn’t add up.

So, did India keep Putin afloat? No. Did it act within global norms and help stabilise energy markets? Yes. Partisan rhetoric shouldn’t cloud the facts. If anything, we need more balanced, fact-based geopolitics — not selective outrage.

But Trump’s style of politics is exactly about selective outrage—throwing the US-India strategic relationship under the bus. Trump is also not coming to India for the Quad Summit later this year given how relations have dipped.

Trump thinks he will bully India and hinder its growth with 50 percent tariffs — but India has reported 7.8 percent phenomenal growth in the last quarter, the fastest in the world. By meeting Chinese President Xi Jinping and Putin at the SCO Summit, Modi is demonstrating how he can strengthen a new multi-aligned axis to counter the US.

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First Published:

September 01, 2025, 07:00 IST

News india After Meeting Putin In China, Not Donald Trump But PM Modi May End Russia-Ukraine War

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