Sheikh Hasina: ‘Bangladesh can’t and won’t remain in this state… will rise again’

Edited excerpts:

Q. What’s your reaction to the Delhi blast?

I am shocked by Monday’s attack on innocent people and express my deepest solidarity with our friends in India on behalf of the people of Bangladesh. We stand with them in this moment of grief and hope that those responsible for this heinous act are swiftly brought to justice.

Q. What do you think were the reasons behind the July-August 2024 protests? And, a year later, upon retrospection, what could you have done differently so that you didn’t have to leave the country?

The protests began peacefully in response to the introduction of civil service job quotas. These initial protests were linked to frustrations over limited economic opportunities, a theme we are seeing mirrored across our region. In the early days of the protests, my government allowed the students to demonstrate freely and safely. We listened to their concerns and accepted all their demands. However, matters escalated when radical elements led the crowds into violence, setting fire to state buildings and police stations. There were prison breaks, looting of arms and ammunition, and terrorists were freed in the process.

There is forensic evidence suggesting that foreign mercenaries were present and acted as provocateurs. Many of them used sniper rifles to kill people, and 7.62-caliber bullets were also used by certain civilians to attack members of law enforcement. I have no doubt that Yunus and his followers were involved in fomenting the uprising.

By then, this was no longer a peaceful political movement. It had become a violent mob intent on exacting vengeance at all costs. I do not believe we could have handled the situation differently. My only regret is that the judicial inquiry committee we established to investigate the origins of the violence was dismantled by Yunus, who later granted indemnity to these hooligans and even glorified them as ‘July warriors.’ My decision to leave was not taken lightly. It was a matter of necessity: remaining would have risked violence not only against me but against those trying to protect me.

Q. You have been called authoritarian, there are allegations of corruption against you, your family and your government. How do you respond to these allegations?

These allegations are completely unevidenced and have been formulated by my political opponents who currently hold the levers of powers and are using them to try to discredit the Awami League. The sums supposedly looted are fantastical – the quoted figures far exceed Bangladesh’s entire state budget. If such funds had been siphoned out of Bangladesh it would have collapsed our national economy. What actually happened was our economy grew by more than 450% over my 15 years in office – a verified fact endorsed by the IMF.

Meanwhile, Yunus himself has reportedly acquired 4,080 kathas of land in Purbachal and holds fixed deposits worth approximately 5,000 crore taka. He began at Grameen Bank in 1990 with a salary of only 6,000 taka. How did he amass such vast wealth? For too long, the international community has been blinded by Yunus. He enjoys cosy friendships with politically influential western families, but he has not been elected by Bangladesh’s people, he appoints Hizb-ut Tahrir figures into senior government roles, and now he is presiding over a regime characterised by chaos, corruption and violence.

Q. You have been living in India since August 2024. Does that remind you of your stay in this country after your father was assassinated in 1975, and are there any parallels and dis-similarities from the situation — then and now, role of people like Pranab Mukherjee and the Indian political leadership? Would you want to go back to Bangladesh, and when and how?

India is a longstanding friend to Bangladesh, and I am deeply grateful to the Indian people for welcoming me warmly. In Delhi, I am free to go about my day and do what I wish, within reason.

My family’s role in securing an independent and democratic future for Bangladesh is well known. But it is also widely known that my family paid for this role with its own blood. It is a pity that both my stays in India have been set against such unfortunate circumstances. I would of course love to return home, but for me to do this, Bangladesh must first hold free, fair and participatory elections. An election without the Awami League, the country’s most popular party that has been elected to power nine times in our country’s history, cannot be legitimate.

Q. You were seen as someone who turned around the India-Bangladesh relations for the better, in the last 16-years of your government. How do you see the relationship going further, with the interim government now and the governments moving forward?

India is and always has been Bangladesh’s most important ally. The ties that bind our countries are deep. I am grateful for India’s support and patience as it waits for Bangladesh to return to stability and prosperity.

However, Yunus’ sponsorship of extremists, his failure to protect religious minorities, and his hostile rhetoric towards India are undermining our partnership with India and destabilising our region. I am dismayed by the erosion of the trade and transit links that we worked so hard to cultivate between our countries during my administration, to say nothing of the hostile rhetoric emanating from Dhaka against India.

India, quite rightly, wants a reliable partner. That will come when Bangladesh has a legitimate government that has been elected by its people. I want to reassure our friends in India that the ties between our country are fundamental, and Yunus’s interim regime will not change that.

Q. What is your message to the young people of Bangladesh, to the Awami league leaders, in your absence — as the election is likely to be held early next year — especially since India has called for participatory and inclusive elections in Bangladesh?

Remain peaceful, remain patient, and continue to believe in democracy. No regime that rules through fear and repression can endure forever. Bangladesh belongs to its people, not to the cadre around Yunus.

The Awami League is woven into the country’s history and independence, and tens of millions of ordinary Bangladeshis support us. We will continue fighting for the rights of our supporters and the rest of the electorate through legal, diplomatic, and peaceful means.

Q. In the last year or so, how do you view the rise of Jamaat-e-Islami in the recent student union polls, and their possible impact in the elections next year? Should India be worried about these developments?

The Yunus regime has overseen a concerning radicalisation of our once tolerant and peaceful country. Yunus has placed extremists into cabinet positions, facilitated attacks on religious minorities, and released criminals known for their affiliation with international terrorist organisations. Both India and the United States have voiced justifiable concern at these developments.

Yunus is not a politician. My fear is that extremists are using him to project an acceptable face internationally, to provide them with cover while they target minorities and radicalise our institutions domestically.

This should worry all of us. One of Bangladesh’s great strengths over the years has been the specifically secular nature of its politics, which is protected by our constitution. Yunus is trying to replace this constitution with a charter that nobody wants other than a few self-interested radicals. We must return Bangladesh to a place where all citizens, no matter their religion, are free and safe to live their lives as they chose.

Q. Any final thoughts on Bangladesh’s future?

I want the world to remember what Bangladesh was achieving before this darkness fell. We quadrupled food production. We cut poverty from over 40 per cent to 18 per cent. We empowered women, created jobs for the youth, and brought in investment from home and abroad. The nation was full of energy and optimism. And today — all of that progress has been pushed to the edge. The economy is frozen, confidence is gone, and people are losing hope.

Bangladesh cannot and will not remain in this state. Our people are resilient. We’ve rebuilt from ashes before, and we will do it again. I have absolute faith that the spirit of 1971 — the courage, the unity, the love for our country — will rise again.