From Street Clashes To Silent Cells: How Radicalisation Is Shifting In Kerala | Exclusive

Last Updated:February 12, 2026, 12:19 IST

Investigators found that recruits were not radicalised through public sermons or physical training camps, but via encrypted Telegram groups, propaganda material and darknet manuals

Kerala’s recent terror and radicalisation cases point to a worrying evolution: extremism in the state appears to be moving away from visible street mobilisation and sporadic mass-casualty plots towards quieter, deeply embedded networks that prioritise consolidation, logistics and ideological grooming.

Investigative agencies say the pattern since 2023 reflects a tactical recalibration rather than a decline in threat. In August 2023, the Enforcement Directorate attached villas and 6.75 acres of land in Idukki linked to the now-banned Popular Front of India (PFI), highlighting how extremist-linked networks allegedly channelled Gulf funds into real estate. Officials believe this marked a shift towards asset creation and financial layering — insulating operations through legitimate-looking investments instead of overt mobilisation.

Between 2023 and 2025, repeated National Investigation Agency (NIA) arrests of ISIS sympathisers further exposed a parallel transformation. Investigators found that recruits were not radicalised through public sermons or physical training camps, but via encrypted Telegram groups, regional-language propaganda material and even darknet manuals linked to the Islamic State ecosystem. Many of those arrested were described as “high-tech", digitally savvy and largely invisible to their communities.

The most alarming trend, intelligence officials say, is this invisibility. In several cases through 2024 and 2025, families and neighbours reported no behavioural red flags before arrests were made. The November 2025 Thiruvananthapuram case — where a minor was allegedly groomed by his mother, stepfather and a UK-based ISIS handler — underscored how radicalisation may now be taking root within homes. Agencies warn that ideological indoctrination is no longer confined to mosques or madrasa networks but increasingly embedded in private, digital and family spaces.

Meanwhile, arrests linked to earlier political murders continue to reveal long-term concealment strategies. The April 2025 arrest of Shamnad EK, wanted in the 2022 Palakkad RSS leader killing, and the July 2025 arrest of Abdul Rahaman in the Praveen Nettaru case showed how operatives allegedly evaded capture for years using Gulf employment cover and forged identities.

Security officials argue that the 2022 ban on PFI may have forced a tactical retreat rather than dismantled networks. Former cadres are believed to have resurfaced through platforms such as SDPI, religious fronts and safe houses, focusing on targeted violence instead of high-profile attacks.

Intelligence assessments now suggest Kerala is evolving from a recruitment base into a command, funding and logistics hub supporting networks across southern and eastern India. The strategy, officials warn, appears calibrated: avoid mass-casualty incidents, build social legitimacy, enter political spaces — and consolidate quietly.

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