Kerala Assembly polls 2026: LDF set for ‘hat-trick’ as governance, welfare and secular credentials shape Kerala’s poll mood, says Subhashini Ali

How do you assess the public mood across Kerala after your campaign visits?

I have travelled across Palakkad, Kochi, Alappuzha, Pathanamthitta, Thiruvananthapuram, Kasaragod, and now Kannur. The situation is mixed in terms of political preferences, but there is one striking factor -- there are virtually no complaints about the government’s performance. People may have individual likes and dislikes, but the work done by the LDF government is widely appreciated.

What is particularly interesting is the response from ordinary people -- hotel workers, auto drivers, taxi drivers, security guards -- many of them openly say they intend to vote for the LDF. Migrant workers, especially from northern states like Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, have also expressed satisfaction with living conditions in Kerala. Many even say they wish their home States could develop on similar lines. That in itself is a significant endorsement of the government.

Do you believe this will translate into a hat-trick victory for the LDF?

Yes, I believe Kerala is heading towards a historic third consecutive term for the LDF. This goes against the State’s electoral pattern, but two factors explain it: first, the strong governance and development initiatives of the left and Second, the failure of the UDF when it was in power. People are also comparing Kerala with BJP-ruled and Congress-ruled states, where progress in education, healthcare and basic welfare has been inadequate. Another major factor influencing voters is women’s safety, which has become a serious issue nationally.

What are the key factors influencing voter behaviour in this election?

The primary factor is governance, delivery in education, healthcare, infrastructure and welfare. But alongside this, there is a concern about attempts at communal polarisation.

The LDF has maintained a secular environment and Kerala has largely remained free of communal violence over the past decade. However, forces promoting religious division are active. The BJP is openly engaging in such politics, and other groups across communities are also attempting polarisation. Despite this, there is growing support for the LDF among ordinary people across communities, including those traditionally aligned with other parties. Even in Congress strongholds, I have seen workers shifting towards supporting the LDF.

How do you respond to allegations that the CPI(M) has ties with organisations like SDPI?

These allegations are politically motivated. The CPI(M) has no alliance with such organisations. Different groups may adopt their own strategies during elections, but that does not imply any formal understanding.

The real issue is communal propaganda. The Congress campaign claims the CPI(M) is aligned with the BJP, which is completely baseless. Historically, especially in regions like Kannur, CPI(M) cadres have fought and even sacrificed their lives opposing the RSS and BJP.

Interestingly, BJP leaders themselves have indicated confidence that Congress and the Muslim League might support them in forming a government, if needed. There have also been instances, such as local body elections, where Congress has supported BJP candidates. These realities expose the contradiction in their accusations.

You mentioned a possible Congress-BJP nexus. Could you elaborate?

What we are seeing across India is a convergence of policies between Congress and BJP, particularly on privatisation of education, healthcare, and the public sector. Wherever Congress has governed, BJP has eventually replaced it.

This overlapping economic policies brings them closer. Without an alternative vision based on public welfare, education for all, healthcare for all, it is not possible to effectively counter communal politics or the BJP.

Has Kerala politics shifted from a bipolar to a triangular contest?

The change is more visible at the national level. The BJP is trying aggressively to expand into Kerala, spending large amounts of money and leveraging national resources. Its policies are already affecting Kerala through reduced financial allocation and interference in State matters.

For instance, despite promises, there has been no meaningful financial support for major projects like AIIMS in Kerala. This reflects the broader approach of the BJP towards the States.

How do you view ideological clarity in current Indian politics?

The CPI(M)’s ideological position remains clear. We oppose imperialism and support oppressed people globally. However, other parties, particularly the Congress, have shown inconsistencies. For example, support expressed by a senior Congress leader for the foreign policy of Narendra Modi raises serious questions about ideological commitment. India’s traditional stand supporting Palestine and maintaining balanced international relations is being diluted. Such shifts have consequences, including strained relations with countries that have historically supported India.

What is your response to internal dissent and leaders leaving the CPI(M)?

Such developments are not new. Leaders have left the party in the past, often due to personal or electoral considerations. However, these do not indicate ideological cracks or organisational disunity. The strength and the cohesion of the current LDF campaign itself demonstrate that the party remains united.

Is Kerala’s welfare-driven model sustainable amid financial constraints?

Kerala faces financial challenges, particularly due to constraints imposed by the Centre. However, the State has invested significantly in human capital, education, healthcare, and social welfare, which are crucial for long-term development. Infrastructure projects, including highways, ports, and industrial initiatives, are progressing and will strengthen the economy. Investment in technology parks and new industries are also expected to create more employment opportunities.

How do you address concerns about unemployment and migration?

Migration from Kerala differs from that in many other States. In Kerala, educated youths seek global opportunities, which is a sign of human capital development. In contrast, migration from many BJP and Congress-ruled states is driven by poverty and lack of opportunities.

With ongoing projects like IT parks and port development, more employment opportunities are expected within Kerala.

What are your concerns regarding the Waqf Act and FCRA amendments?

Both the Waqf Act changes and amendments to the Foreign Contribution Regulation Act pose serious risks to minority communities. These measures could enable the government to take control of properties belonging to Muslim and Christian institutions. This is not merely about regulating funds; it raises concern about the potential loss of land and assets. Minority institutions, especially in north India, play a vital role in providing education and healthcare. Any move to undermine them would have far-reaching consequences.

How do you evaluate the LDF government’s performance on women’s issue?

Women’s safety must be seen in a broader context. Access to basic facilities, education, and governance, attitude, all matter. In many parts of India, lack of basic infrastructure like toilets directly impact women’s safety.

In BJP-ruled states, there are serious concerns about the handling of crimes against women, including instances where perpetrators receive protection or leniency. Kerala, while not free of incidents, ensures accountability and has taken proactive steps. Initiatives like She Lodges in places such as Guruvayur, Thrissur, Kozhikode, Kannur provide safe spaces for women, especially at night. There is also a need to increase women’s political representation. The Left has made progress in this area and continues to expand it further.